The three Heads of State and Government ratified the agreement of the European Consultative Commission, which defined the boundaries of the post-war occupation zones for Germany: three occupation zones, one for each of the three most important allies. They also agreed to give the France an occupation zone, cut off from the American and British zones, although De Gaulle then refused in principle to accept that the French zone be defined by borders established in his absence. De Gaulle therefore ordered the French armed forces to occupy Stuttgart in addition to the countries previously agreed as a French occupation zone. It only withdrew when it was threatened with suspension of critical U.S. assets. [11] Churchill at Yalta then argued that the French must necessarily also be full members of the Allied Control Council proposed for Germany. Stalin resisted until Roosevelt supported Churchill`s position, but Stalin persisted in saying that the Frenchman should not be admitted as a full member of the Allied Reparations Commission to be established in Moscow, and only yielded to the Potsdam Conference. Allied leaders came to Yalta knowing that an Allied victory in Europe was virtually inevitable, but less convinced that the Pacific War was coming to an end. The United States and Britain realized that a victory over Japan could require a protracted struggle and saw a great strategic advantage for Soviet participation in the Pacific theater. At Yalta, Roosevelt and Churchill discussed with Stalin the conditions under which the Soviet Union would go to war with Japan, and all three agreed that the Soviets would receive a sphere of influence in Manchuria in exchange for potentially decisive Soviet participation in the Pacific theater of war after Japan`s surrender. These included the southern part of Sakhalin, a lease at Port Arthur (now L├╝shunkou), a share in the operation of the Manchu Railways and the Kuril Islands.

This agreement was the most important concrete achievement of the Yalta Conference. The final agreement stipulated that “the provisional government, which is currently working in Poland, should therefore be reorganized on a broader democratic basis with the participation of democratic leaders from Poland and Poles abroad.” [18] The Yalta language granted the supremacy of the pro-Soviet government of Lublin in a provisional government, although reorganized. [19] The first reaction to the Yalta Agreements was solemn. Roosevelt and many other Americans saw this as proof that the spirit of U.S.-Soviet war cooperation would pass into the post-war period. However, this feeling was short-lived. With the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt on April 12, 1945, Harry S. Truman became the thirty-third President of the United States. At the end of April, the new government clashed with the Soviets over its influence in Eastern Europe and the United Nations. Alarmed by the perceived lack of cooperation on the part of the Soviets, many Americans began to criticize Roosevelt`s handling of the Yalta negotiations.

To this day, many of Roosevelt`s most vocal critics accuse him of “handing over” Eastern Europe and Northeast Asia to the Soviet Union at Yalta, even though the Soviets made many important concessions. By this time, the Soviet army had fully occupied Poland and held much of Eastern Europe with military power three times greater than that of allied forces in the West. [Citation needed] The Declaration of Liberated Europe did little to dispel the sphere of influence agreements that had been included in the ceasefire agreements. With regard to Poland, the Yalta report goes on to state that the Provisional Government “should be obliged to hold free and unhindered elections as soon as possible on the basis of universal suffrage and secret ballot”. [18] The agreement could not hide the importance of joining the short-term pro-Soviet control of the Lublin government and eliminating the language that calls for supervised elections. [19] The Memorandum of Understanding invited the signatories to “consult jointly on the measures necessary to fulfil the shared responsibility set out in this Declaration.” During the discussions in Yalta, Molotov inserted language that weakened the implications of executing the declaration. Churchill defended his actions in Yalta during a three-day parliamentary debate that began on February 27, and ended with a vote of confidence.[19] During the debate, many MEPs criticised Churchill and expressed deep reservations about Yalta and their support for Poland, with 25 of them drafting an amendment protesting against the agreement. [22] Poland was the first item on the Soviet agenda.

Stalin said that “for the Soviet government, the question of Poland was a matter of honor” and security, because Poland had served as a historic corridor for forces trying to invade Russia. [10] In addition, Stalin stated, in reference to history, that “because the Russians had sinned strongly against Poland,” “the Soviet government tried to atone for these sins.” [10] Stalin concluded that “Poland must be strong” and that “the Soviet Union is interested in creating a powerful, free and independent Poland.” As a result, Stalin stipulated that the demands of the Polish government-in-exile were non-negotiable: the Soviet Union would retain the territory of eastern Poland that it had already annexed in 1939, and Poland would be compensated for this by expanding its western borders at the expense of Germany. Contrary to his previously stated position, Stalin promised free elections in Poland, despite the fact that there was a provisional government sponsored by the Soviet Union, which had recently been installed by him in the Polish territories occupied by the Red Army. In addition, the Soviets promised to allow free elections in all parts of Eastern Europe liberated from Nazi occupation, including Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. In return, the United States and Britain agreed that the future governments of the Eastern European countries bordering the Soviet Union should be “friendly” with the Soviet regime, which met Stalin`s desire to have a zone of influence to create a buffer against future conflicts in Europe. The initiative to convene a second “Big Three” conference came from Roosevelt, who hoped for a meeting before the US presidential election in November 1944, but then pushed for a meeting in early 1945 in a neutral location in the Mediterranean. Malta, Cyprus and Athens were each proposed. Stalin insisted that his doctors resist any long journey and rejected these options. [7] He instead suggested that they meet instead in the Black Sea resort of Yalta in Crimea. Stalin`s fear of flying also contributed to this decision. [8] Nevertheless, Stalin officially adjourned to Roosevelt as the “host” of the conference; All plenary sessions were to be held in the American accommodation of Livadia Palace, and Roosevelt, without exception, sat in the center of the group photos (all taken by Roosevelt`s official photographer). On the 21st.

In March, Roosevelt`s ambassador to the USSR, Averell Harriman, telegraphed that “we must clearly recognize that the Soviet program is the establishment of totalitarianism that ends personal freedom and democracy as we know it.” [25] Two days later, Roosevelt began to admit that his view of Stalin had been too optimistic and that “Averell was right.” [25] From February 13 to 15, 1945, in the last months of World War II (1939-45), Allied forces bombed the historic city of Dresden in East Germany. The bombing was controversial because Dresden was neither important for German war production nor important. Read more The Yalta Conference was held from February 4 to 11, 1945 during World War II in a Russian resort in Crimea. In Yalta, US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet Prime Minister Joseph Stalin made important decisions about the future progress of the war and the post-war world. .